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Tales from the Island of Serendip
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8,956 posts in this topic

Love Story

 

"I live in a place where I do not gather wood and no-one hunts. The women do not call me to go kill fish. Sometimes I get tired of being in the house, so I get angry with my husband. I go to the stores and look at clothing.It isn't like in the jungle. People are separate and alone. It must be that they do not like their mothers."

Yarima

 

 

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Secrets of the Tribe is a documentary film by director José Padilha premiered at the 2010 Sundance Film Festival, where it was nominated for a Grand Jury Prize. This documentary explores the allegations, first brought to light in the book Darkness in El Dorado, written by Patrick Tierney, that anthropologists studying the Yanomami Indians in the 1960s and '70s engaged in bizarre and inappropriate interactions with the tribe, including sexual and medical violations.

 

Scientists accused in this film are among others James Neel, Napoleon Chagnon and Kenneth Good.

 

It features interviews with Yanomami, as well as with scientists who have studied them.

 

One anthropologist featured in the film said the film showed "the social responsibility associated with working with human subjects – especially the unique vulnerabilities of indigenous peoples – and the ease in which such responsibilities can be and have been ignored, discarded, abused."

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Tierney presents a convincing case that Chagnon has consistently overestimated Yanomami violence, and that he himself was responsible for fomenting much of it. In his book Yanomami Warfare: A Political History, Ferguson revealed how Chagnon had changed the political balance between different Yanomami groups by favouring some over others, and by selectively providing steel goods and weapons to certain groups. Chagnon was apparently given to bursting into villages decorated in war paint and brandishing a shotgun.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Yanomami men soon realized that their own displays of aggression would be rewarded with machetes and other highly prized tools. According to Ferguson, ‘A war started between groups which had been at peace for some time on the very first day Chagnon got there, and it continued until he left’. Far from being an objective observer of Yanomami violence, Chagnon was an active participant in the wars. Yanomami men were fighting for access not to women but to Chagnon himself.

 

Alice Dreger, an historian of medicine and science, and an outsider to the debate, concluded in a peer-reviewed publication that most of Tierney's claims (the movie is based on claims originally made by Tierney) were "baseless and sensationalistic charges".

 

A detailed investigation of these charges by a panel set up by the University of Michigan found the most serious charges to have no foundation and others to have been exaggerated.

 

Almost all of the lengthy allegations made in Darkness in El Dorado were publicly rejected by the Provost's office of the University of Michigan in November 2000.

 

Sponsel and Turner, the two scientists who originally touted the book's claims, admitted that their charge against Neel "remains an inference in the present state of our knowledge: there is no 'smoking gun' in the form of a written text or recorded speech by Neel."

 

The American Anthropological Association has since rescinded its support of the book and acknowledged fraudulent and improper and unethical conduct by Tierney.

 

The association admitted that "in the course of its investigation, in its publications, in the venues of its national meetings and its web site, [it] condoned a culture of accusation and allowed serious but unevaluated charges to be posted on its website and expressed in its newsletter and annual meetings" and that its "report has damaged the reputations of its targets, distracted public attention from the real sources of the Yanomami tragedy and misleadingly suggested that anthropologists are responsible for Yanomami suffering".

 

Stephen Broomer points out that, "Tierney wrote a polemical, unscientific book that invoked a scandal. Padilha’s film is more evenhanded than this, no doubt because it includes that scandal as a subject, allowing Chagnon an opportunity to defend himself".

 

 

 

 

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For Tierney, however, as for many of his supporters, anthropology is less a scientific discipline than a political mission. The aim of anthropologists in their view is to defend the dispossessed. Tierney has been an active participant in the political struggles in the Amazon, seeking to defend Yanomami rights against claims made by gold miners and the Brazilian government. In his eyes sociobiology is not so much a scientific method as a political programme. Chagnon’s depiction of the Yanomami, he believes, has paved the way for the use of violence against them by miners and government officials. As a result, Tierney writes, ‘I gradually changed from being an observer to being an advocate’. According to Tierney, ‘Traditional, objective journalism was no longer an option for me.’

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Exploitation of the Rain Forest tribes takes many forms and is often disguised behind seeming good intentions.

 

And sometimes good intentions go awry.

 

My own experience of living and working intermittently for quarter of a century in a Bengali village tells me this - and I will refer back to it at the end of this chapter, as the story I am about to relate is strongly echoed in my own.

 

Serendipity is at play yet again....

 

 

 

 

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In 1968, the US anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon published his bestseller Yanomamo: The Fierce People.

 

 

 

He described the tribe as being prone to petty disputes - usually over women - which escalate into wars between villages.

 

He painted a picture of a world where chronic warfare, gang rape and murder were all facts of life.

 

 

 

 

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It was as a graduate student of Chagnon's that David Good's father, Kenneth Good, first travelled to the Amazon in 1975. Just as the protagonist of Alejo Carpentier's novel "The Lost Steps" had done, and just as his son would do 36 years later, he travelled up the Orinoco past the Guajaribo Rapids. He made his home in a little hut a short distance from the Hasupuweteri.

 

 

 

 

 

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Good would end up living almost full-time with the Yanomami for more than twelve years, sharing their lives, becoming fluent in their language.

 

 

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He moved into the village shapono and observed as many of the daily rituals as he could.

 

He went on treks, hunts and observed funeral rites. The Hasupuweteri called him shori - brother-in-law.

 

And he began to question the picture of the Yanomami that Chagnon had painted in his book.

 

"He thought that the Yanomami weren't as fierce as they were represented to be," says his son David. "And I think there's some substance to that, because my father ended up living there 12 years, and I couldn't imagine him living 12 years with a savage, warlike, fierce people. So he became enamoured with the people."

 

One day in 1978, the headman of the Hasupuweteri presented Good with a proposition.

 

"'Shori,' he said, 'you come here all the time to visit us and live with us… I've been thinking that you should have a wife. It isn't good for you to live alone,'" wrote Good in his 1991 memoir, Into the Heart: An Amazonian Love Story.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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It is common among the Yanomami for an older man to become betrothed to a younger girl. Such betrothals are not consummated for some time — perhaps not ever. The Yanomami understand that sometimes these relationships don’t work out. A girl might thus be betrothed several times before actually being married. The girl brings food from her mother’s fire to feed the man; he brings her his own gifts of food. They talk and joke together. Eventually, the girl feels comfortable being around his hearth and being around him. If things work out, they become friends.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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When the girl has her first menses, the man and his betrothed hang their hammocks side by side, and they have sex for the first time. The girl thus has an instant husband and protector. Women beyond the age of puberty are routinely raped if they do not have husbands.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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The Yanomami have nothing like a formal ceremony comparable to marriage in Western culture. Divorce is just as informal. The departing spouse simply removes his or her hammock from the space of the other spouse inside the shabono, the large communal house, and then resists or refuses reconciliation and reunification.

 

At first Good refused, but over time he came around to the idea. "I found myself thinking that maybe being married down here wouldn't be so horrendous after all: certainly it would be in accordance with their customs. In a way the idea even became attractive. After all, what better affirmation could there be of my integration with the Hasupuweteri?"

 

 

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When he relented, the headman said, "Take Yarima. You like her. She's your wife."

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Unlike doctors or psychologists, there is no fixed code of practice barring relationships between anthropologists and the subjects of their research. There is much debate about whether sex is ever permissible in the field, either for enjoyment or study.

 

In Kenneth Good's case, it was not about research - he and Yarima developed a romantic attachment. She affectionately called him Big Forehead. He called her Bushika - Little One.

 

“Our relationship changed,” he writes. “Before, Yarima had been the cute little girl with the smile and the hello. Now it was something more than that and, as time passed, a good deal more than that.”

 

With every trip he made upriver, Good and Yarima became closer, and the theoretical tie between them felt more real.

 

The community began taking it more seriously too and began to treat them as a married couple.

 

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The marriage created problems in the village where Good lived with Yarima. Yanomami attitudes toward women and sex were very different from his own, and, while he might normally regard these with anthropological detachment, his attitude was different when they were directed at Yarima.

 

Good frequently had to be away from the village — for permits, visas, research funding. He made a public and very angry announcement that his wife was to be left alone while he was gone. Still, on one occasion when he went downriver on business, the village decided that he was dead, and Yarima was raped by a number of men. One of the men was his own brother-in-law, Yarima’s sister’s husband, with whom it was considered normal for Yarima to have sex. But Good was furious when he returned, and he berated the man publicly. Another time when he was gone, Yarima was beaten and her ear partly ripped off. Yarima’s brother could not understand why Good was so upset by all this. It’s just naka, he told Good, just sex. What do you care?

 

 

This precipitated Yarima's first contact with the modern world. Good took her to the town of Puerto Ayacucho, to get her ear attended to.

 

 

The short flight there was terrifying for Yarima - but the town itself was overwhelming.

 

Upriver Yanomami pictured nabuhs living in villages much like their own, but with more nabuhs wearing their nabuh clothes. They had no idea that the forest ever came to an end, to be replaced by open spaces of cool hard ground and huge square houses.

 

"Every little aspect of this world was new and unique and strange to her," says David Good. "When you turn on a car, it kind of looks like an animal with the headlights - I heard stories she would hide behind a bush."

 

Another surprise awaited Yarima when she and Kenneth Good checked into a hotel - the mirror. She had never seen her full reflection before. "She freaked out," says David. "She hid behind a bed and my dad had to cover the mirror with blankets, just so she wouldn't be scared anymore."

 

Yet Yarima adapted to some things very quickly.

 

She grasped the idea of using clothes for decoration and she enjoyed shopping. After overcoming her initial fears, she loved travelling by car, motorbike and aeroplane. Wondrous machines like elevators, Good wrote in his memoir, she accepted as examples of nabuh magic.

 

But other things were more difficult for her to grasp.

 

In the Amazon, food takes time to hunt or grow. It is never wasted or refused. "'Are you hungry?' is a question without meaning," wrote Good. "You might as well ask a person if he cared to breathe air."

 

So the experience of a supermarket, in which an almost limitless amount of food sat, ready-picked and plucked, or of restaurants, where one was presented with a choice of what to eat, made the world feel upside down.

 

Yarima also feared the police. When she left the jungle, in the mid-80s, upriver Yanomami had heard of the police, but they pictured them as being an especially fierce tribe who all lived in the same village. Myths abounded about what they might do if they caught you - a common belief was that they ate stray Yanomami tribespeople.

 

In Caracas, Yarima warily observed the policemen and policewomen with their guns. Whenever she saw them her eyes searched for their police children and police babies.

 

 

The end of Kenneth and Yarima's Amazonian life together came in 1986, four years after they had consummated their marriage and eight years after their betrothal.

Kenneth had failed to secure the grants he needed to stay in the region and sank deeper and deeper into debt. On 17 October 1986, they took a Pan Am flight to New York.

 

Within a week they were married legally at Delaware County Courthouse. Nine days later, David was born on a hospital bed in Philadelphia.

 

 

But life in New Jersey was not working out for Yarima. It wasn't the weather, food or modern technology but the absence of close human relations. The Yanomami day begins and ends in the shapono, open to relatives, friends, neighbours and enemies. But Yarima's day in the US began and ended in a closed box, cut off from society.

Other than Kenneth, no-one could communicate with Yarima in her own language and she had no means of speaking with her family back home.

 

In Hasupuweteri, the men disappeared for a few hours in the day to go hunting, but husbands did not disappear all day, every day. Yarima would spend the day at home or roaming the shopping malls. Good also gave her video and sound recordings from Hasupuweteri that she would listen to over and over.

 

 

 

 

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In 1988, they returned to the jungle for a visit, taking David with them. Yarima was pregnant again, and, while they were there, Yarima gave birth to Vanessa, their second child.

 

In 1991, Good, along with author David Chanoff, wrote a book about his experiences among the Yanomami entitled Into the Heart: One Man’s Pursuit of Love and Knowledge among the Yanomami.

 

In his book Kenneth Good describes his wife acclimatising to life around her.

 

 

"I watch as [Yarima] acculturates herself slowly but surely and wonder what surprises time will bring."

 

He acknowledges that it will be a difficult process for a Yanomami person.

 

"I know... that there is something deep inside their makeup that resists change fiercely. Perhaps it is their ultimate security in who they are," he writes, or their belief that it is they, not westerners, who "define what it is to be human".

 

 

The book also contained bitter criticism of Good’s one-time mentor, Napoleon Chagnon.

 

Good sold their story to Columbia Pictures for $50,000, and he says that he received a telephone call from actor Richard Gere, who was interested in playing him. T

 

At about this time, author Ron Arias interviewed Good and Yarima at Good’s parents’ home. All the questions were passed through Good, who translated them into Yanomami. “The Yanomami live naked their whole lives,” Good told the interviewer. “When I first took her out of the jungle, it was a constant struggle to get her to keep her clothes on. If I turned my back on her or left her alone, off they’d come. One time I had to chase her down the street to cover her up.”

 

Arias heard stories of how Yarima thought that automobiles were going to bite her, how she learned to make light by moving a little stick on the wall, how she had given up her hammock to sleep on a big soft box. Once slender, she was now short and stocky. “I see no joy in her face,” Arias wrote, “and I’m feeling uneasy because we’re talking about her as if she were an object or pet from another time.”

 

He and Yarima became minor celebrities, appearing in People magazine three times. Articles appeared in newspapers with titles like Americanization Of A Stone Age Woman and Two Worlds: One Love.

 

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Reporters were obsessed with Yarima’s exoticism, and made constant references to her alleged Stone Age origins, as if the Yanomami somehow had no history.

 

One reporter described the Yanomami as “naked Indians who feast on termites and tarantulas and have yet to invent the wheel.”

 

Another said that “modern devices such as washing machines, television and the telephone were as foreign to her as they would have been to Neanderthal man.”

 

The same writer quoted Yarima’s English language teacher as saying that Yarima was four feet tall and had no concept of time.

 

“She did not know if it was morning or afternoon,” the teacher told the interviewer. And she added, “One thing you noticed about her was that she could not coordinate colors.”

 

Yarima had grown up in a shabono, surrounded by people. Her day had been spent gathering fruit and fishing with her sisters and mother. They would make a fire, sit and talk, laugh, watch each others' babies and take turns going off to gather food. Then they would go to the stream, wash their babies and themselves, and come home with flowers in their hair.

 

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In New Jersey, she lived in a small apartment — isolated, alienated, and bored. Running water, appliances, malls, and television were not enough.

 

She spent the day listening to cassette tapes Good had recorded of Yanamamö voices and the sounds of the jungle, and watching the videos they had shot on their 1988 visit. One interviewer noted that Yarima did not leave the house unless Good went with her. They had no friends among their neighbors, whose houses were abandoned by working husbands and wives during the day.

 

She did not understand why Good did not spend more time at home with his children, as Yanomami fathers do, or why he had to leave her alone in the apartment every day while he went to work.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Both Good and Yarima thought it would be a good idea to visit her home village once more, but they could not afford the trip on his salary as an assistant professor. Finally, in 1992, National Geographic agreed to finance the trip if they could make a documentary film out of it, to be called Yanomami Homecoming.

 

The magazine sent three boats full of people and equipment to the Upper Orinoco, but not — as they had apparently promised — either a doctor or medical supplies for the Yanomami.

 

The film contains some joyful moments of Yarima showing off her children to her sister and going crab hunting again in the creeks. A five year-old David is seen squabbling with Vanessa over a heavy bunch of plantains, while baby Daniel is carried on Yarima's back in a sling attached to a headband, in the traditional Yanomami style.

 

 

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But it also captures her despondency.

 

 

"They say I have become a nabuh," Yarima's translated voiceover tells us."I live in a place where I do not gather wood and no-one hunts. The women do not call me to go kill fish. Sometimes I get tired of being in the house, so I get angry with my husband. I go to the stores and look at clothing. It isn't like in the jungle. People are separate and alone. It must be that they do not like their mothers."

 

While Good and Yarima were awaiting the film crew in Caracas, Good learned that his father had died, but decided to honor his commitments to the film crew rather than return to the United States. Yarima could not understand this; Yanomami have very strict rules about obligations owed to deceased relatives. When she returned to her village, Yarima learned that her own mother had died, and her own intense grief only underscored what she perceived to be her husband’s callousness. Moreover, according to Good, members of the film crew, presumably in order to make more dramatic footage, encouraged Yarima to criticize him.

 

 

Finally, Yarima simply ran away, apparently at the instigation of a member of the National Geographic film crew. This happened at the airstrip in Platanal, just as they were about to board the plane for a flight to Caracas. Good and Yarima had spent days in agonizing discussion about her wish to remain with her people, and she had agreed to give New Jersey one more chance. But she changed her mind at the last minute. She stopped, hesitated, and then just turned around and left.

 

For a while, Yarima appeared on talk shows in Caracas, discussing her decision to abandon the United States and her family. Then, at the end of 1993, she disappeared into the jungle. There were rumors that she was dead, or hiding in the hills.

 

In 1996, investigative reporter Patrick Tierney, accompanied by Brazilian photographer Valdir Cruz, while doing the research among the Yanomami that would result in his scathing and controversial book Darkness in El Dorado, had his sleeve tugged by a woman who said, in perfectly good English, “Hello. My name is Yarima. What is your name?”

 

Tierney writes that Yarima was nursing a baby and looked, as he put it, radiantly healthy. She had married again, Cruz says, and had two more children. She told Tierney that her new husband was treating her well. She asked about her three children in New Jersey, adding, “Here good. Jersey bad.”

 

Tierney’s discovery of Yarima among the Yanomami became as much of a news story as had been her life in New Jersey.The Times of London published three stories in 1997 about how Yarima had abandoned civilization for the jungle, and about a new expedition that would entice her back by playing tape recordings of her three children in the United States begging her to return. The expedition turned out to be nonexistent...

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Two decades after she left, David, now 25, realised he had to find her.

 

"I remember being with her - we used to have this little routine, where we'd stop by Dunkin' Donuts and get coffee and donuts," he says. He recalls her love of rollercoasters and how they would wrestle together. "I don't remember a sad or distressed mum, not at all," he says.

 

 

"I was up here with my sister in the United States and my mum and my brother were down there in the Amazon," recalls David. "And I remember my dad saying: 'Look, I'm going to go back to the jungle, and I'm going to go get your mum and I'm going to go get your brother and then I'll be back.'"

 

Kenneth returned to New Jersey with baby Daniel but no Yarima. David says that as the days turned into months, he slowly realised his mother wasn't coming back.

 

Yarima asked Kenneth to send Vanessa down to be raised in Hasupuweteri, but he refused. All three children were brought up in Rutherford, New Jersey, then Pennsylvania.

 

David came to resent his unusual family background."Growing up, I used to go to those annual anthropology meetings," he recalls. "And I could hear people saying, 'Oh, those are Yarima's kids!' Sort of like I was an experiment, you know?"

 

On one occasion, an anthropologist asked him what he wanted for Christmas. When David gave the standard reply for his age and era - a Nintendo games console - the woman was shocked.

 

"She's like, 'A Nintendo games console? You're just a typical American kid! I thought you would be different.' And that was ingrained on my mind for the rest of my life and helped fuel my hatred for my heritage. I just didn't want to have anything to do with it."

David tried to become that typical American kid. He played baseball and got a paper round. He told his father that if anyone asked, he was to say he was Hispanic, not Yanomami.

 

He did well at school, getting straight As and earning his place on the honour roll. But inside, he was a mess. He was consumed with hatred for the mother who had abandoned him - but he thought about her almost every day.

 

He started to drink. He broke up with a girlfriend of four years and dropped out of school.

 

"I felt like I was slipping away," he says. "And I knew what it was - it wasn't all to do with my mum's leaving, but that's what it stemmed from."

When he was about 21 he watched, for the first time, the National Geographic film that he had participated in when he was five. When he saw his mother's face and heard her speak, he broke down in floods of tears.

 

He was with a friend at the time. "She put it so simply. She said, 'You know, there's nothing really wrong with you. You lost your mum.'"

 

Shortly afterwards, David read his father's memoir and began to read up on Yanomami culture.

 

"I started having an understanding as to why she left and what she'd dealt with up here," he says. "I realised that… I don't think she could've made it up here, you know? As far as her being a Yanomami mother is concerned, teaching me Yanomami ways - it's virtually impossible."

 

When he was about 22, he felt a sudden yearning to reconnect with his Yanomami heritage.

 

In 2009, following some enquiries from his father, David was put in touch with Hortensia Caballero, an anthropologist at the Venezuelan Institute for Scientific Research who knew Yarima. She also knew David - she had met him on her first trip to the upper Orinoco, when he was a one-year-old baby.

 

After that, Caballero had met up with Yarima in the 90s and in 2001, but she had not seen Yarima since.

 

"He started telling me that he was very interested in finding out about his mother," Caballero says. "It was a very beautiful thing. David is a very sensitive guy - he has a great heart."

 

 

The opportunity to help David didn't come until February 2011. While Caballero was doing some workshops on land demarcation in Mavaca, a mission close to Yanomami country, she organised a quick detour up past the Guajaribo Rapids.

 

She found Yarima amongst the Irokaiteri. The community had splintered from the Hasupuweteri, and were in the middle of building a new shapono.

 

For Caballero, it is important that the Yanomami have some control over their interactions with nabuh. She wanted to make sure that the village was ready to welcome David before he made the trip.

 

"The people gathered together in the village they were building," she says. "Everybody spoke, especially the leaders. And then I asked Yarima, I told her she had to tell me her demands. She said, 'Yes, I really want to have David here.'"

 

Caballero asked the village to write a letter of invitation to David to help him get a permit to visit the protected area.

 

David added the letter to a file of photographs and news clippings of interviews with his parents from the 90s - evidence of who he was and of his right to visit the forest. He also included his Venezuelan passport, since foreigners are no longer permitted in protected areas. It was uncertain whether this document would stand up to close scrutiny, since the photo on the inside cover was of an 18-month-old baby (amazingly, it was indeed good enough for the military checkpoint in the Amazon).

 

His family watched as he made his final preparations for the trip (David says that his brother and sister have so far shown no strong desire to be reunited with their mother). "My sister laughed at me," he says. "She said, 'How are you going to make it? You're scared of a ladybug.'"

 

David thinks his father - by this time almost 70 - was worried for him, and frustrated that he couldn't be of more help after such a long break from the community. But he helped fund the trip, and he came with David to pick out the gifts to take to the village.

 

When he set off for the Amazon in July 2011, David knew only two Yanomami phrases, remembered from childhood. One was ya ohi - I'm hungry. The other was ya bos si shoti - my bum itches.

 

 

 

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David travelled hundreds of kilometres by boat through the Amazon to reach his mother's village

"I saw children and men and women on the riverbank just waiting for us to arrive. The women were all topless, the men had shirts and shorts on."

 

They had come from the village of Hasupuweteri. As David disembarked they began speaking rapidly in the Yanomami language and prodding him.

 

"I was just completely mobbed - all the women and the children gathered around me. I had so many hands all over me, pulling my ear, touching my nose, touching my hair," he recalls.

 

At 5'5" (1.6m) David was used to being the smallest in a group, but he found himself nervously standing above the Yanomami, who are one of the world's shortest ethnic groups.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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His father was remembered by the older Hasupuweteri, while the younger ones had grown up with stories of how Yarima and Kenneth's children had been raised in the world of the nabuh.

 

His mother, they told him, was at the village of Irokaiteri, 10 minutes further up the river. But he would not be permitted to complete the journey by boat - he was altogether too interesting.

 

Instead, he was taken to the village shapono.

 

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"Each family had its own hearth area in the circular dwelling but there were no walls and no privacy of any sort. Adults snored. Babies cried.

"Some people talked... but not in whispers.

"Someone might want to give a speech, one of the pata, the big men... It did not matter that most of them were asleep. He felt like talking, so he was going to talk."

 

A young man called Mukashe was introduced to David as his half-brother. He ran off into the jungle to fetch their mother.

 

After 19 years, David would have to wait a few more hours to meet his mother.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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After David had been waiting for about three hours, Yarima burst into the Hasupuweteri shapono. She had run all the way there.

 

 

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She was in her mid-40s, short, vigorous and strong. She had a basket around her head filled with roots she had gathered, which she threw to the ground while she tried to catch her breath. The village became hushed.

 

It had been two decades, but David recognised his mother.

"I knew it was her right away," he says. "I stood up and approached her. And then it just hit me - what do I do? Everything in me just wanted to hold her, to hug her, but that's not the Yanomami way of greeting people. So it was just this awkward encounter. I put my hand on her shoulder and she started trembling and crying. And I looked into her eyes and I just couldn't help but start crying myself."

"There was a silence," says Hortensia Caballero, who had come upriver with David. "What I remember was a silence. It was a very beautiful, intense moment. Of course all the women in the village, including me, found we had tears on our cheeks."

 

David started to speak softly in English. He said "I'm here, I'm finally here," and "I made it, I'm back" and "It's been so long".

 

Then he was flooded with memories of his mother from childhood, which he relayed to Caballero to translate into Spanish, so that Jacinto, the local boatman, could put them into Yanomami.

 

David did not ask his mother why she had left. Yarima asked if everyone was alive and well, but they did not discuss the past at all.

 

 

 

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"I had this realisation," says David, "I don't really care what happened. I don't care about the controversy. I don't care what all these critics think. I don't care why she left. None of that matters to me now - I can leave that for everyone else to speculate. All I'm looking forward to is developing a bright future with my mum and my family and my people."

 

A video captured another emotional meeting, this time with his uncle (wrongly identified in the video as his grandfather). He had been headman while David's father had been in Hasupuweteri.

 

"They're really quick to establish your place in the village," he says. "It wasn't like my father's situation where he had to spend years gaining their trust to be accepted."

 

Soon after his meeting with his uncle, David's mother came up to him with two beautiful young girls.

 

 

 

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